مقاله کامل الگوهای واژ-نحوی انسجام در زبان روایت در ترکی آذری

On Morphosyntactic Patterns of Cohesion in Azeri Turkish Narrative
Mostafa Shahiditabar Mohammad Dabir-Moghaddam*
Received: 2019-11-23 | Revised: 2020-01-22 | Accepted: 2020-02-22
Abstract
This study aims to apply Halliday’s (Halliday & Hasan, 1976) concept of cohesion using Dooley and Levinsohn’s (2001) model of morphosyntactic pattern to Azeri Turkish narratives in an attempt to uncover narrative and morphosyntactic pattern relation. The corpus contains eleven short stories in Azeri Turkish. Findings of the study revealed that echoic utterance as a subtype of the morphosyntactic pattern may be used to mark the narrative peak. Also, there is a violation of morphosyntactic pattern in the corpus. This violation uses the historical present to draw the audience into a climatic situation. The study shows that echoic utterances can be regarded as links in a chain, functioning like cohesive ties in the text. The pragmatic notion, dramatic development, narrative peak, meaning construction, and implicature are also expressed by echoic utterances. Moreover, these discourse-pragmatic structuring constituents have been found to appear at the beginning, in the middle, and at the end of narratives to provide a basis for relating a sentence to its context or mental representation, make the hearer accompany the narrator during the whole story and maintain the unity of the narrative.
Keywords: discourse, Azeri Turkish language, narrative, cohesion, functional linguistics, morphosyntactic pattern
Introduction
Cohesion is a key concept in scientific fields of chemistry, computer science, geology, social policy, and linguistics. In spite of its simplicity at first glance, many people, even highly educated ones, will tell you that they have a vague idea of what the term is about. Some believe that cohesion is integrity, whereas others believe that cohesion is unity. What is cohesion, then? Fundamentally, the term is, in linguistics, concerned with GRAMMAR and MORPHOLOGY (Crystal, 2003), GRAMMAR and SEMANTICS (Richards & Schmidt, 2002) or with DISCOURSE (Halliday & Hasan, 1976). It is apparent that people have been talking cohesively for thousands of years, yet in many ways, we are only beginning to understand the complex nature of this aspect of human language. If we ask what the nature of linguistic cohesion is, we quickly realize that this question has no simple answer and is way too broad to be answered immediately. Unless we restrict ourselves to cohesion concerned with one of the subfields in linguistics, we cannot hope to make progress in answering the broader question of the above-mentioned aspect of human language. To this end, the current paper aims to study cohesion concerned with DISCOURSE.
According to Halliday, discourse structure is used to refer to the structure of some postulated unit larger than the sentence, for example, the paragraph, or some larger entity such as the episode or the topic unit. The concept of cohesion is set up to account for the relation in discourse. It refers to the range of possibilities that exist for linking something with what has gone before (Halliday & Hasan, 1976). In other words, in discourse, dependency of some element on another is defined as cohesion. This paper tries to explore cohesion in Azeri Turkish, with the aim of contributing to a broader understanding of the nature of morphosyntactic behavior.
Cohesion is the use of linguistic means to signal coherence (Brown & Yule, 1980, Grimes, 1975, Halliday & Hasan, 1976). The coherence of a text is determined by how the interpreter of the text can link the sentences together to form a conceptual unit and interpret it within a single mental representation. In other words, the term is not a direct property of the text but is instead what the interpreter can do with the text (Roberts, 2009). Languages choose different types of cohesive ties as linguistic signals of coherence. Dooley and Levinsohn (2001) present a list of common types of cohesion as follows:
Descriptive expressions which allude to entities mentioned earlier in the text
Identity, including repetition (whole or partial), lexical replacement, pronouns, other pro-forms, substitution, ellipsis
Frame reference
Lexical relations, including hyponymy (type of), part-whole, collocation, synonyms, generals, opposites
Morphosyntactic patterns (consistency of inflectional categories, echoic utterances, discourse-pragmatic structuring)
Signals between propositions
Intonation patterns
The above list presented by Dooley and Levinsohn (2001) is largely taken from Halliday (Halliday & Hasan, 1976) and Brown and Yule (1980). A review of the literature shows that there has been no attempt by far to empirically apply Dooley and Levinsohn’s model of morphosyntactic pattern – one of the
subtypes of common types of cohesion – to Azeri Turkish. This study is, therefore, the first attempt to apply Halliday’s concept of cohesion using Dooley and Levinsohn’s model of morphosyntactic pattern to Azeri Turkish narrative in an attempt to uncover narrative and morphosyntactic pattern relation. In line with this aim, the following research questions will be considered: 1. How is morphosyntactic pattern related to narrative?, 2. Is there any violation of morphosyntactic pattern in Azeri Turkish? If yes, Why?
Review of the Literature
A review of the literature indicates that morphosyntax has been investigated in some languages and dialects in different parts of the world from numerous perspectives. Some studies have been carried out on morphosyntactic features of English like studies on Late Modern English (Widlitzki, 2018), Zimbabwean English (Marungudzi, 2016), Northern English (de Haas, 2011), African American English (Washington & Craig, 2002), internet English (Rumšienė, 2010), and English worldwide (Szmrecsanyi & Kortmann, 2009). Some other works are about morphosyntactic features of other languages like Indonesian (Nurhayati et al., 2018), Persian (Haresabadi et al., 2018, Sameri & KarimiDoostan, 2019, Shokouhi & Kipka, 2003), Mara (Arden, 2010), Chinese (Li, 2001), and Korean (Yang, 1994). In the same vein, a number of studies have been conducted on bilingual morphosyntax as Igbo and English (Akinrẹmi, 2016), Spanish and English (Ebert, 2014), German and English (Ganić, 2015), and Lari and English (Sadighi & Rostampour, 2013). Morphosyntax and its interface with other subfields of linguistics are also addressed in the literature such as studies done on morphosyntax and semantics (Francez & KoontzGarboden, 2017) and morphosyntax and word-formation (Padrosa Trias, 2010). Some other areas like neurolinguistic analysis of morphosyntax (Coulson et al., 1998, Christodoulou, 2015,), discourse markers, areal features such as the Balkan Sprachbund (Olga, 2006), and synchronic and diachronic morphosyntax are also important in the literature.
Regarding Turkish, nevertheless, specifically Turkish morphosyntactic patterns, no specific work has been done. Yet, some studies have been conducted on Turkish cohesion. It seems that the majority of the previous studies had adopted Halliday and Hasan’s (1976) methodology in analyzing cohesion in different Turkish texts. A review of the literature reveals that Turkish short stories within the context of emotions (Aydın, 2012), a comparative study of English and Turkish cohesion (Tanrıöver, 2011), a comparative study of Uzbek origin immigrant students and Turkish students’s cohesion (Coşkun, 2011), and use of cohesion devices in Turkish in narrative texts written by primary education students (Coşkun, 2005) are significant works in the literature among others. In addition to these works, there are also some studies on Turkish foreign language learners (Akpınar, 2010, Genç et al., 2010, Karatay, 2010).
Elsewhere, Güven (2014) studied stories of Mustafa Kutlu in terms of the notions of cohesion and coherence. The paper showed that there were five subheadings of the notion of cohesion as transfer, commutation, elliptical expressions, elements of connection, and word coherence. The study proved that, in Kutlu’s stories, ellipsis was the most commonly used tool while commutation was the least frequent one. Aydın (2012) studied Turkish short stories titled “Nerede İnsan Varsa Orada Umut Vardır, Kedi Ağaca Çıktı and Hazır Olun Fırtına Geliyor” within the context of emotions. The paper showed that grammatical and lexical cohesive devices such as anaphora, cataphora, ellipsis, reiteration, junctions, and collocation were used to maintain grammatical cohesion and lexical cohesion which constitute the
microstructure of the text. Similarly, Tanrıöver (2011) studied the use of anaphoric expressions and referential senses in Turkish and English short stories. This paper reported that Turkish, as a pro-drop language, contains extremely high elliptical use of nouns, pronouns, verbs, and possessives in written and spoken language. Also, Turkish makes extremely frequent use of lexical cohesion items in comparison with English – that is, “while 208 lexical cohesion items were determined in four Turkish short stories, only 150 lexical cohesion items were found in four English short stories” (Tanrıöver, 2011, p. 307). The paper highlighted that English short stories gained great importance in comparison with Turkish short stories in terms of referential and anaphoric class of nominal substitution. Also, English short stories had 133 possessive pronouns while this number was just 10 in Turkish. Coşkun (2011) evaluated texts written by Uzbek origin immigrant students and Turkish students living in Hatay in terms of the use of cohesion devices (ellipsis, conjunctions, lexical cohesion, reference, substitution).
Regarding Turkish foreign language learners, Karatay (2010) studied the written skills of the pre-service Turkish teachers. This study reached the conclusion that students can use conjunctions at medium level in their papers – that is, they are not at a sufficient level in using conjunctions that signify timeorder, comparison-contrast, exemplification, and condition. The paper demonstrated that the students who are skilled at using cohesives are also good at composing a coherent text. This study considered discourse patterns in an argumentative text by Turkish foreign language learners majoring in English Language Teaching. It showed that there were significant differences between the identification of some sub-categories of grammatical cohesion in the study such as ellipsis-substitution and conjunction on the one hand and lexical cohesion, namely superordinate-hyponym and repetition on the other hand. Genç et al. (2010) studied the types and functions of repetitions in the narrations of Turkish speakers of French. The paper concluded that there were various types and functions of repetitions. It highlighted that Turkish speakers of French employed repetitions both at word and group levels with the aim of stalling and/or repairing previous utterances. The study also suggested that either for stalling or repairing, group level (GL) repetitions were observed to be employed more frequently compared to word level (WL) repetitions.
The current paper is aimed to study morphosyntactic patterns in Azeri Turkish (the language spoken predominantly in Iran, Azerbaijan and some other countries) as the first attempt to apply Halliday’s (Halliday & Hasan, 1976) concept of cohesion using Dooley and Levinsohn’s (2001) model of morphosyntactic pattern to the language to uncover narrative and morphosyntactic pattern relation in an attempt to understand linguistic cohesion in a deep sense.
Research Framework
The seminal work of Halliday and Hasan (1976) provided a framework on cohesion that caught the interest of many scholars, leading to many works conducted on cohesion analysis. İn this respect, many researchers have attempted to study numerous features of this textual relation in discourse. One of the recent viewpoints is that of Dooley and Levinsohn (2001) that was mainly taken from the well-known treatment of cohesion by Halliday and Hasan, as amplified by Brown and Yule (1980). Lexical replacement, pronouns, substitution, ellipsis, lexical relations such as hyponymy and collocation have been issues of great concern in the literature (Roberts, 2009).
There are three types of patterns, namely consistency of inflectional categories, echoic utterances, and discourse- pragmatic structuring according to Dooley and Levinsohn (2001) for morphosyntactic cohesion. Morphosyntactic patterns offer many opportunities for cohesion. Three types of patterns are illustrated below:
Consistency of inflectional categories: a sequence of clauses and sentences can show CONSISTENCY/IDENTITY OF INFLECTIONAL CATEGORIES (e.g., tense marking, as in the following example):
(1) Beş baş taza nal-lan-mış qatır çıx-dı-lar yol-a. Gör-dü-lər uzaq-dan bir qaraltı gəl-ir.
Five number new horseshoe-INF- PPS mule go out-PAST-PL way-DCM. See- PAST-PL far-ABL one shadow come-PRE.
‘Five newly horseshoed mules started up a journey. They saw a large shadow coming from afar.’
Here, the suffixes -dı and -dü in çıxdılar and gördülər which come after the verbs and before -lar and -lər (Turkish plural suffixes) in the above-mentioned example show that the two verbs in this example have simple past tense. It also suggests that they are both events within the main narrative sequence.
Echoic utterances: a kind of morphosyntactic repetition, whole or in part, is called ECHOIC UTTERANCES. An echoic utterance is one which copies all or part of an earlier utterance, and it is obvious that the speaker intends it to do so. The echoic utterance calls attention back to the earlier utterance to imply a comment about it:
(2) Speaker A/B
Speaker A: …sən-ə yüz batman yük çat-ır-lar.
…You-DCM 100 unit of measurement (each batman is 3 kilos) load do load- PRES-3pl
…‘Load you 300 kilos.’
Speaker B: Əgər bel-im-ə yüz batman əvəz-in-ə min batman yük çat-a-lar, …
If back- PC. 1sg-to 100 unit of measurement place-POSS-DAT
1000 unit of measurement load do load- if-3pl
‘If they load me 3000 kilos instead of 300 kilos…’
Discourse-pragmatic structuring: According to Dooley and Levinsohn (2001,
p. 15), “the term POINT OF DEPARTURE (Beneš, 1962, cited in Garvin 1963:508, p. 508) designates an initial element which cohesively anchors the subsequent clause(s) to something which is already in the context (i.e., to something accessible in the hearer’s mental representation)”. The pattern illustrated in the following example is what Dooley and Levinsohn (p. 15) call a “point of departure plus predication” and is from a text in Mbyá Guaraní, a language of Brazil. In each example, the point of departure is marked in bold:
(3)
Long ago, there were two houses.
In one of them lived a newlywed.
In one lived his father-in-law.
Semantic content relates to what is added, whereas discourse-pragmatic structuring relates to where it is added and how it relates to what is already there (Dooley & Levinsohn, 2001). For insatnce, in ‘Biri varmış biri yuxmış, bir oğlan varmış, …, Once upon a time, there was a boy …,’ discourse-pragmatic structuring explains why Bir ‘one’/ Biri ‘One-IND’ should be used at the begining of an Azeri Turkish narrative. It also argues where var-mış ‘be-PPS’/ yux-mış ‘no-PPS’ should be used. In other words, discourse-pragmatic structuring shows which constituent is the theme and which one is the rheme and it also argues why they appear in this order. Discourse-pragmatic structuring explains why the sentences that have the same propositional content can be expressed in different ways. It shows how the speaker can relate the pieces of information in a proposition to what the hearer is already aware of, i.e., to his or her current mental represenation. We are going to find if discourse-pragmatic structuring tools appear at the beginning, in the middle, and at the end of a narrative in Azerbaijnai in this study. Moreover, finding the reasons behind Azerbaijnai discourse-pragmatic structuring is very important in discourse studies.
Method and Material
The current study determines morphosyntactic pattern’s application in Azeri Turkish narratives using Dooley and Levinsohn’s model of discourse structure (2001).
Corpus
Eleven short stories in Azeri Turkish were chosen as the corpus of the current study from Ajdari Qizilkechi (1394, 1397), Nemət (2017), Hamidekhu (2012), and Hariri Akbari (2010). The short stories are Dəvə ilən Qatırlar ‘Camel and mules’ (Hariri Akbari, 2010), Atyatın ‘Atyatin’ (Hamidekhu, 2012), Cırtdan ‘Dwarf’, Tülkünün şahlığı ‘Kingdom of fox’, Qaraçuxa ‘Fortune’, Məlikməmməd nağılı ‘Fairy tale of Malikmammad’, Qarınənə və buz ‘Grandma and ice’, Bənövşənin nağılı ‘Fairy tale of Viola’ (Nemət, 2017), Gecənin qoynunda ‘The heart of night’, Sulduz və Ulduz ‘Sulduz and Ulduz’ (Ajdari Qizilkechi, 1394), and Garı körpüsü ‘The old lady’s bridge’ (Ajdari Qizilkechi, 1397).
The corpus of the present study consists of a total of 6741 words including Cırtdan ‘Dwarf’ 990 words, Tülkünün şahlığı ‘Kingdom of fox’ 416 words, Bənövşənin nağılı ‘Fairy tale of Viola‘160 words, Qarınənə və buz ‘Grandma and ice’ 167 words, Dəvə ilən Qatırlar ‘Camel and mules’ 308 words, Atyatın ‘Atyatin’ 1071 words, Gecənin qoynunda ‘The heart of night’ 390 words, Qaraçuxa ‘Fortune’ 368 words, Məlikməmməd nağılı ‘Fairy tale of Malikmammad’ 2528 words and Garı körpüsü ‘The old lady’s bridge’ 343 words.
Procedure
Each story with its English translation was studied at the initial step. Then, Azeri Turkish morphosyntactic patterns were explored in detail.
Data Analysis and Discussion
The results of the study regarding morphosyntactic patterns in Azeri Turkish are presented in this section:
Consistency of Inflectional Categories Analysis
Since inflectional morphemes modify the tense, aspect, mood, person, or number of a verb, or the number, gender, or case of a noun, adjective, or pronoun, consistency of inflectional categories refers to the
mentioned categories. Take the following example from Dəvə ilən Qatırlar ‘Camel and mules’ (Hariri Akbari, 2010):
Beş baş taza nal-lan-mış qatır çıx-dı-lar yol-a. Gör-dü-lər uzaq-dan bir qaraltı gəl-ir.
Five number new horseshoe-INF- PPS mule go out-PAST-PL way-to. See- PAST-PL far-from one shadow come-PRE.
‘Five newly horseshoed mules started up a journey. They saw a large shadow coming from afar.’
Adding -lar to the stem çıxdı to form çıxdılar and to the stem gördü to form gördülər, adding –dı to çıx to form çıx-dı and –dü to gör to form gör-dü and consistency of beş ‘five’ with -lar and -lər (Turkish plural suffixes) are all examples of consistency of inflectional categories. Or in Atyatın ‘Atyatin’ (Hamidekhu, 2012), a story about an Ardabili boy who visits his grandparents, an example of consistency of inflectional categories is presented in the following:’
Atyatın-gil Ərdəbil-ə gecə yetiş-di-lər.
Atyatin-‘s Ardabil-DCM night arrive-PAST-PL. ‘Atyatin’s family arrived Ardabil at night.’
Yol-lar-ı-nı gözlə-(y)ən büyük-nənə-si ilə baba-sı qapı döy-ül-cəyin
Way- PL-IND-ACC wait-PRPT grand-mother- PC.3Sg and father- PC.3Sg door knock-get- as soon as
çıx-CS qız-lar-ı Tərlan-ı, balaca nəvə-lər-i Atyatın-ı bağır-lar-ın-a bas-dı-lar.
come out-PPS daughter-PL-DET Tarlan-IND little grandchild-PL-DET Atyatin-IND heart-PL-DET-to push-PAST-PL
‘Their grandparents who were waiting for them went out as soon as they heard someone knocking on the door and hugged them.’
Ağac-ın dal-ın-da gizlə-nən Laçın, birdən çıx-ıb bacısıqız-ın qucaqla-dı
Tree-IND behind-IND- LOC hide-PRPT Lachin, suddenly pop- CS sisterPC.3Sg-daughter-DET hug-PAST.Sg.
“Çox gec gəl-d-uz. Very late come-PAST-3pl
Hamı ged-ib yat-dı. All go-CS sleep-PAST
Pişikbala dayan-mış-dı ha’ o-da get-di yat-di” de-di. kitten stand-PPS-PAST EMPH it-too go-PAST sleep-PAST sayPAST
‘Lachin who was hiding behind the tree hugged her niece and said: You are very late. All (people) went to bed. The kitten was waiting too. It went to bed too.’ Şam ye- (y)-ib çox de-(y)ib gül-ən-dən sonra Atyatın-ı yuxu apar-dı.
Dinner eat-CS very speak- CS laugh- PRPT-ABL after Atyatin-ACC sleep take-PAST.
‘After eating dinner and having fun, Atyatin fell asleep.’
Present participle (PRPT) –ən is used to modify the verb in gözlə-(y)ən and gizlə-nən. Or adding -lar and -lər to the words yetiş-di-lər, Yol-lar-ı-nı, qız-lar-ı, nəvə-lər-i, bağır-lar-ın-a and bas-dı-lar shows consistency of inflectional categories in this text. The consistency is inevitable while forming tense in the text. To form, for example, the simple past tense in Azeri Turkish, infinitive suffix is removed from the
verb to find the base form, the appropriate tense suffix is added and finally, the appropriate personal suffix is added. This process is consistent in the current text as it is seen in these verbs: yetiş-di-lər, bağır-lar-ın-a bas-dı-lar, qucaqla-dı, and yuxu apar-dı. Also, using present perfect suffix (PPS) is helpful for the consistency of the text as in çıx-ıb, ged-ib, ye- (y)-ib, and de(y)ib. Of course, the tense suffix ‐mış is a common suffix used in Azeri Turkish to show present perfect as in yazmışam – ‘I have written’ or in görmüşəm – ‘I have seen’ containing a vowel harmony. It should be mentioned that tense suffix ‐mış is sometimes replaced with the suffix ‐(y)ıb as in yazıb(dır) – ‘he/she has written’. In these forms, the third person suffix ‐dır is optional with these alternative forms.
There are some sentences in the corpus that indicate the inconsistency of inflectional categories. In other words, even though the consistency of inflectional categories is one of the main features of cohesion in the narrative, there are some sentences found in the corpus that have violated the consistency of inflectional categories. Take the following example from Cırtdan ‘Dwarf’ (Nemət, 2017) where, at the end of the story, the main protagonist wants to wake his friends up and save their lives by sending the giant on a wild goose chase:
(6) Cırtdan tez yoldaş-lar-ı-nı oyad-ıb de-di: bu dev biz-i ye-mək istə-(y)ir.
Dwarf soon friend-PL-IND-ACC wake up- PPS say-PAST. 3Sg this giant we-ACC eat-INF want-PRES.
‘Dwarf woke his friends up soon and said: this giant is going to eat us up.’ Mən bir fırıldaq-la yubad-ıb saxla-mış-am.
I one cheat-with postpone-PPS stop-PPS-1Sg.
‘I have postponed it with some tricks.’
Ayaq-a qalx-ın qaç-ma-lı-(y)ıq. Siz cıx-ın mən-də həmən gəl-im.
Foot-to stand-2p.IMP run-INF-IND-PL You go out-2p.IMP I-too right now come-2p. IMP.
‘Hurry up, we need to scape. You go out, I will join you right now.’
In this example, dedi ‘said’ is past but istə-(y)ir ‘wants’ is present. Furthermore, saxla-mış-am ‘I have postponed’ is present perfect while qalx-ın ‘stand up’, cıx-ın ‘go out’ and gəl-im ‘I come’ are present. As it is seen in this example, an event in the narrative that took place in the past is introduced in the present tense which is called the ‘historical present’, which violates the consistency of inflectional categories. Since the dwarf succeeded in cheating the giant, the example given above is the climax of the story and the historical present is used to draw the audience into a climatic situation. This is in line with Roberts’s (2009) findings in adding vividness to the climax in Māhi siāh=e kučulu ‘little black fish’ in Persian.
To sum up, consistency of inflectional categories proves helpful in cohesion – that is, inflectional morphemes link everything with what has gone before in narratives. In some cases, this consistency is violated. The violation is can be linked to climatic developments in the narrative.
Echoic Utterances Analysis
In Gecənin qoynunda ‘The heart of night’ (Umudoğlu, 2016), as the title suggests, the word night is echoed during the whole story. The main reason is that the whole story is about night and the narrator uses echoic utterances, mainly words or phrases about the night, to develop his narrative. In this story, if we
consider the whole narrative as a misbaḥah, then ‘night’ functions as a string of the misbaḥah. In other words, the echoic utterances are like cohesive ties in the text.
In Cırtdan ‘Dwarf’, the same significant role of echoic utterances is inevitable as well. The main reason is getting the attention of children and keeping them involved in the story. The frequency of echoic utterance in this text is reported in Table 1:
Table 1.
The Frequency of Echoic Utterance in Cırtdan ‘Dwarf’
Some examples of echoic utterances of Cırtdan ‘Dwarf’ text are as follows:
(7) Kim yat-ıb kim oyaq?
Who sleep-PPS who awake?
‘Who is asleep? Who is awake?’
Hami yat-ıb cırtdan oyaq.
All sleep-PPS dwarf awake. ‘Everyone is asleep exept the dwarf’
Cırtdan niyə oyaq?
Dwarf why awake?
‘Why is the dwarf awake?’
Cırtdan qardaş gə ged-ək.
Dwarf brother come go-1p.IMP
‘Dwarf, hey boy! Let’s go’
In this text, a pair of echoic utterances, Kim yatıb kim oyaq? ‘Who is asleep? Who is awake?’ and Hami yatıb cırtdan oyaq. ‘Everyone is asleep except the dwarf’, a dialog between a giant and a dwarf- the main protagonist, are used, playing a different role in comparison with those of other echoic utterances included in the narrative. This dialog is about sleeping and the Cırtdan ‘Dwarf’ story is one of the traditional bedtime stories in Azeri Turkish language and culture.
Considering both the dialog between the giant and the main protagonist about sleeping and the fact that this story is told to a child at bedtime to prepare the child for sleep, we can conclude that the mentioned echoic utterances of the giant and the dwarf associate sleeping and stimulate and reinforce kids’ identification with the main protagonist to sleep. This is in line with what Dickson notes “The bedtime story is a definite institution in many families. It deserves to be so in all. Beginning with the nursery rhymes, the stories will gradually broaden in theme, and if their dramatic possibilities are at all realized by the story-teller, the children will broaden in their conception of the lives and feelings of others” (2012, p. 34). In other words, echoic utterances, as one of the subtypes of morphosyntactic devices, have a pragmatic implication in this narrative.
In Tülkünün şahlığı ‘Kingdom of fox’ text (Nemət, 2017), lion, the the king of the jungle recites three sentences (questions) (Gözlərim qızardımı? ‘Have my eyes turned red?’, Tüklərim biz-biz oldumu? ‘Have I gotten goosebumps?’, and Ağzım köpükləndimi? ‘Am I frothing at the mouth?) and the fox confirms them using echoic utterances. After the death of the line, the fox wants to become the king of the jungle. He then goes for hunting and tries to imitate the way the lion used to hunt by repeating the king’s three well-known questions. But as soon as he wants to hunt, his pray (a horse) kicks him and what happens to the fox is ‘his eyes turn red, he gets goosebumps and he froths at the mouth’. In this text, the three mentioned
sentences are echoed by the three characters of the story. Firstly, the lion says these sentences. Then, they are echoed by the fox. In the next part of the narrative, these sentences are echoed by the fox and finally, they are echoed by a jackal twice. These echoic utterance are listed in Table 2.
Table 2.
The Frequency of Echoic Utterance in Tülkünün şahlığı ‘Kingdom of fox’
Echoic utterances play a significant role in this narrative. These echoic utterances hold the text together and make it meaningful. They function as cohesive ties in this text. Moreover, echoic utterances are used to mark a dramatic development. When the jackal uses echoic utterances by saying that ‘fox’s eyes turn red, he gets goosebumps and he froths at the mouth’, the narrator has used these utterances to mark a narrative peak. This finding is in line with Margetts’s (2015).
In Qaraçuxa ‘Fortune’ (Nemət, 2017), two utterances (Hara gedirsən? ‘Where are you going?’, Qaraçuxamı(n) tampaqa/dalınca. ‘To find my fortune’) are echoed by the main protagonist, a wolf, a farmer, and a queen 6 times. In this text, echoic utterances are used to give unity, purpose, and meaning to the narrative. Or in Məlikməmməd nağılı ‘Fairy tale of Malikmammad’ (Nemət, 2017), sentences like Belədə iş olarmış? ‘what the hell is going on?’, Oğlan oxkamanı götdü? ‘The boy took his bow and arrow’, Alma dərildi ‘The apple is picked’, and sentences about the killing of the giant are echoed.
In this text, different echoic utterances are used with different implications. For example, at the beginning of the story, when the king wonders where the thief of the apple has gone for several days, his sentence ‘Belədə iş olarmış? ‘What the hell is going on?’ is echoed. This echoic utterance is used to show that the king worries about an important event. In other words, this echoic utterance conveys a broader meaning than simply that of the words on the page. It can be said that echoic utterances give us some meanings even though they are neither expressed nor strictly implied. Technically speaking, one of the applications of echoic utterance is implicature. Another echoic utterance is used in this text when the prince and his older brothers want to take their bows and arrows. This echoic utterance reinforces the previous one since the boys want to find the thief and obey the unwritten command of the king. Another echoic utterance is when the apple is picked. This utterance shows the repetition of the apple being picked daily and is used to show the intricate situation the boys face. As it is seen, these echoic utterances are like links in a chain and each plays its specified role. One of the other echoic utterances refers to the killing of the giant by the main protagonist. He kills not simply one but rather some giants and a dragon during the story. Killing of the antagonist by the protagonist is not a new phenomenon in fairy tales but using echoic utterances for killing the antagonist(s) by the protagonist in this narrative indicates the power of the main protagonist and difficulty of the protagonist’s job in an attempt to create dramatic feelings.
In a 30-line narrative named Qarınənə və buz ‘Grandma and ice’ (Nemət, 2017), an echoic utterance, güclü ‘vigorous’ is used 21 times as ahown in Table 3. Other echoic utterances are: qarınənə ‘grandma’: 6 times, buz ‘ice’: 4 times, günəş ‘the sun’, bulud ‘cloud’, yağış ‘rain’, göy ot ‘grass’, qoyun ‘sheep’, canavar ‘wolf’, çoban ‘shepherd’, siçan ‘mouse, pişik ‘cat’: each 3 times, and mirili-mirmow ‘meow’: 2 times. It should be mentioned that being one of the well-known rhythmic bedtime stories in Azeri Turkish, Qarınənə və buz ‘Grandma and ice’ is a definite institution in many Azeri Turkish families. As Dickson (2012, p. 34) cites, beginning with ‘the nursery rhymes, the stories will gradually broaden in theme’,

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